Whistling Dixie or a feint light of hope?
Can the Tories win the next general election?
Polling shows that while Keir Starmer’s Labour has a strong lead, many are yet to make up their minds, giving the Conservatives a sliver of hope
Oliver Wright
, Policy Editor
Wednesday March 27 2024, 12.00pm, The Times
When Isaac Levido, the Conservatives’ election supremo charged with delivering the party an unlikely victory, was invited to address the cabinet at the start of this year he was blunt about the party’s electoral prospects.
The path to winning the next election, he warned them, was steep and narrow and would involve convincing voters who are at present telling pollsters that they will not support the Tories to change their minds.
But Levido insisted such a feat was possible, pointing out that if only half of the Tory voters who have moved away from the party since 2019 returned they would be back in contention.
So what are the party’s chances and what does a potential path to victory look like?
What do the polls show ahead of the general election?
On any metric the polling is dire for the Conservatives. YouGov surveys for The Times consistently show
Labour with a 20-plus point lead — and it has grown over the period that
Rishi Sunak has been in No 10.
In November 2022 — shortly after Sunak entered Downing Street — the Tories were polling at 26 per cent. That figure has now fallen to 20 points, which is the same level of support that Liz Truss had at the nadir of her short premiership.
Not only that but about half of all voters say that there are no circumstances in which they would consider voting Conservative at the next election.
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Yet the YouGov polling also shows that behind the headline voting figures, many people have yet to definitively make up their minds on who to support in a general election.
Of Tory voters in 2019, more than one in five say that they do not know who they are going to back, while just 12 per cent say they intend to support Labour.
Polling and focus group experts say that they are picking up high levels of disillusionment with both the main political parties and that while voters are fed up with the Tories they are far from convinced Labour would be any better.
They also point out that when gauging voting intention the question asked is “How would you vote if there was an election tomorrow” — not one in several months’ time.
What is the biggest challenge for the Tories in winning back 2019 voters?
The coalition of voters who handed Boris Johnson a landslide victory in 2019 was unusual. He won seats traditionally seen as Labour not only because Jeremy Corbyn was unpopular but because of the success of his pledge to “get Brexit done”. Many traditional Labour supporters who wanted to leave the EU backed the Tories for the first time.
This time around, Sunak needs to convince these voters not to return to the Labour fold — or vote for Reform, the anti-immigration party connected to
Nigel Farage.
Again, polling shows how critical this group is. Of Tory 2019 voters — which includes their heartland rural voters as well as the so-called red wall — 35 per cent say they will definitely stick with the party while 18 per cent plan to vote for Reform.
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Levido hopes that as the general election gets nearer the polls will narrow and the Tories will be able to squeeze the Reform vote by warning that it would lead to a
Labour victory.
But that assumes that these voters care enough about stopping Starmer entering Downing Street to fall in behind Sunak.
Which issues could help Sunak win the next election?
Surveys show that Sunak has identified the right problems to tackle if he is going to stand any chance of retaining power — namely his pledges to cut
NHS waiting times, stop the boats and grow the economy.
Nearly 40 per cent of undecided voters say they would be more likely to vote Tory if Sunak succeeded in cutting waiting lists, 31 per cent say they would consider backing the party if it stopped the influx of migrants and 26 per cent cite
the economy as a potential reason to shift allegiance.
This is why the prime minister has attached so much importance to getting flights to Rwanda off the ground. Strategists believe that if he can fulfil the pledge — and it starts having a deterrent effect — then Labour, which has promised to scrap the policy, could find itself in difficulties.
Downing Street is also hoping that its policies to bring down NHS waiting times will start to show results by polling day, while a series of planned tax cuts and falling interest rates should help voters feel better off.
But with the economy predicted to hardly grow at all this year and amid ongoing strikes by doctors, both these aspirations may fall short of having the desired effect.
What other problems does Sunak face?
In some ways the electoral hurdle for the Tories is worse even than the raw numbers suggest, because Labour is doing particularly well at winning votes in the marginal constituencies it will need to form a government.
A recent constituency-modelling poll by YouGov found that even if Labour went into the election with only a 13.5 per cent lead, the party would still win a Tony Blair-style landslide because it is stacking up votes in the areas of the country that matter the most.
The other difficulty Sunak has in remaining in Downing Street is that even if the Tories are the largest party in a hung parliament, neither the Lib Dems or the SNP would be prepared to keep them in power. They would not even necessarily be able to rely on the DUP, who propped up Theresa May after the 2017 general election.
So to stay in power Sunak needs to win an overall majority, something even many Tory MPs think is an impossible task at the moment.
But could the polls be wrong?
This is the elephant in the room. In 2017, at the point at which the election was called, Theresa May had a 20-point poll lead — roughly that which Starmer enjoys today.
However, in the election itself the Tory lead was just 2.4 percentage points, losing the party its majority and forcing them to rely on DUP votes to form a government. Some Tories are suggesting that Labour’s lead could be overturned in a similar way.
Conversely, in the 2015 election, polling regularly forecast a hung parliament. Very few of the polls published during that six-week campaign projected the outright majority that was finally secured by David Cameron.
Even in 2019, few pollsters projected the scale of the
Conservative Party’s 80-seat victory. Two days before polling day, YouGov, one of the few pollsters to have got it right in 2017, projected that the Conservatives would win a majority of just 28.
Yet unless the polls tighten significantly between now and the election, even errors on this scale would not affect this year’s result.
If the polls are that wrong, it would be an upset of unprecedented proportions.