Coronavirus conspiracy theories: France riven with fear and distrust
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The Covid-19 crisis is allowing an old, unsavoury side of the nation’s character to rise to the surface again, writes Charles Bremner in Paris
The French authorities have tightened the lockdown rules in Paris and across the country as the pandemic takes hold
ALAMY
Charles Bremner
, Paris
Wednesday April 01 2020, 5.00pm, The Times
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It was fitting that French television broadcast
Papy Fait de la Résistance — Grandpa is in the Resistance — this week. The classic 1983 comedy about a Paris family under the 1940s Nazi occupation touched a nerve in a country which has fallen back on wartime habits under the 2020 lockdown.
President Macron has declared war against
coronavirus and urged the country to rally behind the forces on the
medical front. Police hold fierce emergency powers. All face masks have been requisitioned by the state and selling one is now a crime. Black marketeers have been arrested. Police are out en masse inspecting the daily papers that civilians must carry for every journey away from home. Police have issued more than 400,000 on-the-spot fines of €135 each for “illegal movement” in the past two weeks.
Much of the country has adopted the wartime spirit, knuckling down and making do with some humour. In the cities, health workers are cheered from windows and balconies at 8pm. Neighbours are shopping for pensioners. There may be long queues, but unlike the 1940s, there are few shortages apart from masks and hand steriliser.
Tourist hot spots such as the Eiffel Tower are deserted
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The death toll in hospitals has passed the 3,500 mark, and the government has warned not to expect the peak to be reached before another ten days. After a national “confinement” lockdown that opened on March 17, behind Italy but ahead of Britain, and with its relatively well-equipped health system, France has so far been spared the extremes of the Italian and Spanish outbreaks. People are aware, however, that Germany is doing better, and alarm is spreading, with emergency wards saturated in the eastern region and increasingly the Paris area. To relieve hospitals, patients are being shipped out of Alsace and Paris to quieter regions on special TGV high-speed trains and by plane.
As in wartime, the emergency has exposed an old, darker side of French life: the distrust of authority and of strangers, born of centuries of civil strife.
The social fracture that opened with the provincial yellow vest revolt in late 2018 has re-emerged with anger towards Mr Macron and a belief among the more extreme that France’s rulers have criminally bungled the virus crisis, or worse.
The wartime appetite for
la délation — reporting wrongdoers to the authorities — has reappeared. In country towns, people are denouncing neighbours to the gendarmerie for breaching
le confinement and leaving their homes too often. Police have reported unusually wild driving, with cars speeding at 100 mph through built-up areas.
Tempers are fraying in supermarkets, with unsmiling shoppers in the Paris suburbs treating others with suspicion. Angry locals in coastal areas are seething over the 400,000 Parisians who are estimated to have fled the capital to spend the lockdown in their holiday homes. Some have been refused service and Parisian cars have been vandalised in Brittany and the southwest.
President Macron addresses the nation after visiting a face mask factory near Angers, central France
EPA
Nurses are being threatened by people who see them as carriers of infection. “You are requested to move out as quickly and as far as possible in order not to endanger our lives,” said anonymous letters sent to the homes of several in Bayonne, in the southwest of the country. A nurse in Vulaines-sur-Seine, northeast of Paris, received an unsigned note in her letter box telling her to leave town with her husband. “You will understand our concern over the dangers that you are inflicting on the town by spending time with contaminated people,” it said. Police are trying to trace some of the
corbeaux, or crows, the old name for malicious anonymous letter writers.
Conspiracy theories, long popular in France and a fixture of the yellow vest movement, blame the capitalist elite and also Jewish people for starting the epidemic or encouraging it. Many of the claims, shared millions of times on social media, talk of a “military virus” deliberately spread with the aim, variously, of boosting drug company profits, killing the elderly or delivering the country into the hands of multi-nationals or the secret “illuminati”.
One popular belief is that the virus was invented by the Paris Institut Pasteur. It was no accident that Agnès Buzyn, the minister of health until six weeks ago, along with her husband Yves Lévy, head of the national medical research institute Inserm, blocked distribution of chloroquinine, a supposed miracle drug for fighting Covid-19, according to one theory. The couple are part of a Jewish cabal, according to posts shared thousands of times.
A surge of support for Mr Macron at the start of the outbreak has since waned
REUTERS
Marine Le Pen, leader of the far-right National Rally, is fomenting the conspiracy virus. The runner-up in the 2017 presidential election said on Monday that her supporters were using common sense when a quarter of all the French believe the virus was created in a laboratory, according to Ifop polling.
Half of all French people believe the Macron administration is hiding the truth of the pandemic, according to the same Ipsos poll. Ms Le Pen said the government “is lying to us about absolutely everything without exception”.
The hero of the conspiracy camp is Didier Raoult, 68, the Marseilles epidemiologist with Messiah-like hair who claims that chloroquinine is the solution to the virus. A supporter of the yellow vest movement, Dr Raoult, whose admirers include President Trump, is seen as a saviour thwarted by fake government claims that trials so far have not shown his chloroquinine compound to be effective.
The controversial epidemiologist Didier Raoult is fuelling conspiracy theories that the French government is somehow behind the pandemic, possibly with the assistance of a Jewish cabal
GETTY IMAGES
Leaders of the mainstream centre right and left opposition parties, marginalised since Mr Macron’s election victories of 2017, have subdued their criticism in the national interest. They have been drowned out by the populist extremes, Ms Le Pen and Jean-Luc Mélenchon of the radical left Unbowed France.
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Attempting to reassure the country, Mr Macron no longer disguises his anger over the populists and the “self-proclaimed experts” who are attacking his handling of the crisis and undermining the unity that he is preaching. Unpopular before the crisis began, he enjoyed a surge of public support at the outset but only 44 per cent now say he has responded well; an 11-point drop over a month.
A big source of discontent is the shortage of face masks. Mr Macron is rushing to remedy this with production in France and orders from China.
The yellow vest protest movement has been quick to buy into the anti-government conspiracy theories
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True to French tradition, the air is thick with paradox. The more people distrust the supposedly pro-capitalist president and the governing establishment, the more they want the state that he commands to take charge and usher in a new world order after the pandemic.
A big majority of the country wants a more powerful protective state to emerge from the crisis. More than 70 per cent want the state to curb capitalism and nationalise key sectors, according to a Viavoice poll for today’s
Libération newspaper. A similar reflex led Charles de Gaulle to nationalise big industries after the German occupation. Over half the country wants to impose tight curbs on foreign goods, whether from Europe or beyond, the poll found.
In tune with the public, Mr Macron proclaimed this week that the pandemic has “changed the world” and signalled the return of the protective state in the face of globalisation. “We must produce more in France and reduce our dependence” on imported goods, he said. In his declaration of war against the virus on March 12, he promised a break with the past. “There are goods and services that must be placed beyond the laws of the market place.”
Mr Macron’s new gospel marks a U-turn from the liberal pro-market doctrines that won him the election: his aides are already signalling that reconstruction after this war effort means the end of the programme of pro-market reforms that he waged against public resistance since 2017.