"OK now we are off topic I am happy to respond. My take on it*
Regarding EU - I would argue that sometimes less is more. 27 nations competing to have their individual agendas represented can be cumbersome and inefficient. As an example think back to the agreement with Canada that after much work and time invested was almost derailed by a bizarre late intervention from regional Belgian parliaments. Unilateral UK trade deals may be negotiated from a bespoke position that best serves the needs and specifics of The UK and the other party rather than a one size fits all that may meet resistance from within the 27 who understandably may have reservations based around strengths and weaknesses of their trade sectors likely to be affected by the deal. As the world markets change and evolve it is possible that trade deals may need amending or re-negotiating so it may be the case that once more the process can be repeated more efficiently to gain an advantage."
It is far more efficient to conduct trade negotiations from within the EU than on our own..
Reason? We have one of the most open and barrier free set of tariffs in the world by default. When we negotiate a trade deal within the EU we negotiate all the barriers and minutiae of many of the other member states such as Spain and Italy away to gain advantages we can enjoy in the reciprocal arrangements. Once we leave the EU we simply can't do this any more and therefore our bargaining position is simply much weaker.
So for example a trade deal with the US is already starting to be prepared. The 2 things the US are interested in us negotiating away?
https://www.theatlantic.com/interna...alling-and-us-trade-deal-wont-save-it/595753/
Still, the viability of a trade deal will largely depend on what concessions London is willing to make—and Washington is expecting many. Among the negotiating objectives set out by the U.S. trade representative in February is the insistence that Britain “remove expeditiously unwarranted barriers that block the export of U.S. food and agriculture products,” such as chlorine-washed chicken and hormone-treated beef. (Both products are banned in Britain for health and safety reasons; The U.S. argues that such concerns are overblown.)
Agriculture isn’t the only potential stumbling block: Privacy and data flows (the U.S. has a more liberal approach to data privacy than Britain, which operatesunder the EU’s more stringent GDPR standard); digital taxes (the U.S. opposesa proposed measure that would see a 2 percent tax on American tech firms’ U.K. revenue); and drug pricing (the Trump administration has long been critical of how Britain’s National Health Service assesses the price of medicines) are all areas of disagreement.
Nor does the U.S. have any incentive to treat Britain any differently. From Washington’s vantage point, Britain may be a special ally, but it’s also a weak one. “Britain has no leverage,” Larry Summers, a former U.S. Treasury secretary, told BBC Radio 4 this week. “When you have a desperate partner, that’s when you strike the hardest bargain.”